The Art and Science of Everything

It seems that Suchman’s audience in this paper is researchers in the MIS and business strategy fields, but not practitioners in those fields. The rhetoric is fairly readable, but still dense for most non-academics I know.

Big takeaways:

Innovation discourse often binarizes the innovative from the uninnovative (those who can’t keep up, won’t adapt, etc)

innovation discourse often fetishizes visible change, missing the ways innovation, appropriation, and articulation work are “indigenous” to technology use and often unrecognized in organizations –> artful integration
innovation figures a “competitive field of action”

From MacKenzie’s “Untangling the Unwired: Wi-Fi and the Cultural Inversion of Infrastructure:”

Talking about the “information mythology of cyberspace” (think Dyson, or even perhaps Castells), Bowker suggests the method of ‘infrastructural inversion’ as a way of investigating how claims about technology emerge and circulate:

“Take a claim that has been made by advocates of a particular piece of science/technology,
then look at the infrastructural changes that preceded or accompanied the effects
claimed and see if they are sufficient to explain those effects—then ask how the initial
claim came a posteriori to be seen as reasonable.” (p.235)

This quote is taken from “Information Mythology” which talks about the way information comes to be seen as fixed, objective, and transferable. It reminds me of the way Anna Tsing talks about how in all the talk about global flows, we should pay attention to the channels carved into the ground by and sustaining and directing those flows.

It also connects in my head as something to think with against Hollan’s DCog journal paper where they talk about cognitive architectures being traceable through information trajectories. My feeling is that the distributed cognition’s assumptions of information travel start to get stretched and break down when great distance is being traversed between locations (spatial, temporal, or cultural/metaphorical).

Journal paper summarizes 12 years of ethnographic and experimental work developing distributed cognition as a theoretical foundation for understanding how collectives of people and artifacts accomplish tasks that the authors define as cognitive.

The “central hypothesis is that the cognitive and computational properties of systems can be accounted for in terms of the organization and propagation of constraints.” This reminds me too much of planning algorithms in artificial intelligence and the assumptions of a preconceived, axiomatized system that is being operated in. 

A distro cog system can be a group of people working with artifacts, or it can be a single person working with artifacts, or even what goes on within the single cognitive unit. The last is not a contribution of dcog as much as it is dcog incorporating work like Minsky’s and human information processing theory that divides the mind up subprocessing units coordinated to perform cognition.

Artifacts, including representations, are seen as things that  can be used symbolically or reappropriated according to their physical properties to in performing cognition. Here, authors point out that this means that the real-world baseline for face to face communication is shortsighted, undercutting potential of media spaces. The human body is in the realm of physical things that can be used, and felt through, in imagining, thinking, and remembering (authors talk about navigators feeling directions in relation to bodily orientation). Other people can also be used in coordination to perform cognition as well.

Dcog sees culture as a bunch of partial solutions to problems that people frequently face in the world. What I like about this is that it is an account of why people won’t just adopt the most efficient tool for the job, or even necessarily search for the optimal tool for a job. Culture (their experience in the world) offers them a set of good enough solutions to appropriate to their ends. This speaks to discussions Dan, Robin, and I had about Notebook and Spreadsheets and how people used pretty simple, common schemas for figuring things out. 

This perspective can be described as “emergentist…on many key phenomena” (178)  because the body, world, and brain adapt to one another. In this sense, it is definitely embodied cognition.
Key principles of dcog are:

• people establish and coordinate different types of structure in their environment
• it takes effort to maintain coordination
• people offload cognitive effort to the environment whenever practical
• social organizations can improve dynamics of cognitive load balancing

Dcog is also about a methodology of naturalistic investigations of cognition, particularly using participant observation and video to capture people interacting with each other and the environment, often coupled by experiments to pin down the cognitive activities identified “in the wild.”

The questions suggested by the research framework include how to make representations more active so they help users and supporting people’s conceptualizations of what is going on and what “ought” to be done — both are about cognitive efficacy and instrumental good. There is a third question that I’m into which is “how do we design representations to facilitate their flexible use?”, though I’d broaden that to how do we design technological artifacts to support flexible, ensemble, interactive use — assemblages!

Questions:

• There’s a tendency to describe ethnography as “wild” and “natural” that makes me wonder whether dcog has done reflexive investigation of how its methods shape its observations and what its limiations are.
• Dcog seems to shine when you’re talking about coordinated tasks. What happens when not everyone in a dcog system knows they’re being enlisted in a task? (In a sense, you could say artifacts are like this, and I suspect there’s a use to thinking of people this way too.)
• What happens when tasks aren’t so cut and dry, like people are researching stuff on the internet that they’re interested in and might need later, but they might not, or people are trying to have a pleasant social interaction?
• How much of a claim of universality does dcog make? The language seems fairly careful aboutnot claiming universality without raising the question: “a set of core principles that widely apply” (181)
• How does dcog talk about learning? They say history of use informs our interactions with artifacts (187). That’s something, but not as much as other theories suggest. (But this is less universalist that idea of fundamental cognitive/perceptual affordance, as (I think) Norman suggests.) In dcog, the activities they discuss are all about load balancing, supporting memory, and making satisfactory calculations. Little is said about how and why learning occurs (here, activity theory offers the account of externalization and internalization; communities of practice offers identity and legitimate peripheral participation).
• Dcog also treats information as a thing - “cognitive processes involve trajectories of information (transmission and transformation) so the patterns of these info trajectories, if stable, reflect some underlying cognitive architecture” (177). Is this the same as information as data? Then what are the limitations on the sort of emergence that dcog can talk about usefully (race, gender, culturally slippery concepts, miscommunication and breakdown)? It seems like information is at least a thing in the moment when it is reified as such, though the system has to adapt when breakdown occurs. How does dcog talk about errors and misunderstanding?

It seems like dcog is most effective when you think of things as tasks. So I guess it isn’t surprising that Evans and Chi “information assimilation” studies of social bookmarking, newsreading, and information behavior didn’t find dcog particularly useful in illuminating behavior.

Goal: Learn what it means to mean (identify as) middle class in one Pacific Northwest suburb, with goal of comparing it to what it means to be middle class in other locations, including internationally.
Method: Ethnographic interviews in 27 households, with repeated visits in most cases. Photojournaling. Lots of hanging out around the suburb we studied.
Here is an attempt to distilling what we have to say about the US middle class.
- The middle class in the US (or in Beaverton, really, but we have reason to believe it is broader) is not about jet setting and or getting ahead. It’s about staying connected to home and keeping comfortably stable.
- While the dominant ways people enacted middle class stability were home ownership and aspiring to be a stay-at-home parent, we saw a group questioning these traditions and actively trying to simplify and downsize. (There may be an opportunity for computing here, since computers consolidate a lot of functionality into one unit, but they are also seen as always depreciating and requiring disposal rather than maintenance.)

1) stability is key to people sense of being middle class and this is primarily read and enacted through:
- home ownership and home maintenance (as compared to renters who are more transient and basically are seen as not giving a crap about their surroundings or being invested, as manifested in how they treat their things)
- being a stay-at-home. This is a major struggle and aspiration. There was all this nostalgia of the stay-at-home mom times past when it was easy. Feminism is partly to blame for the fact that you need two incomes to make it now. (This is what several of them said, not what I think obviously.)
2) We had a breakout group that was really starting to simplify and downsize as a way of maintaining that stability and they were coming to think that the stay-at-home mom and home ownership goals were getting in the way of, rather than supporting, stability.

So what does that mean?
- yeah, the on-the-go mom thing was a minor point…
- more important was that people definitely didn’t get or resonate with the idea of jetsetting, traveling around, living the fast life. It was all about living a stable, moderately paced life where you’re getting out of debt, raising healthy kids — people didn’t talk about getting ahead, but just keeping up with changing times and changing needs– staying middle class. This is way different from what Ashwini sees in India where it is much more about getting your family ahead, moving them up this ladder. part of this was…
- keeping a strong connection to home. When people talked about communication technology, it was often about how it can either connect you with home (give kid first cell phone when it is time for them to walk to school alone, using the cell phone to be always accessible to family when out, using tiny cameras to surveill your home while you’re away) or how it can pull you (or kids, especially) away from home (texting at the dinner table).

A thread that Kathi and I have talked about developing more is comparing beaverton to chile. In chile, technology was totally associated with this imaginary of class aspiration, but in beaverton, technology was almost like toilet paper or something. One girl said “Oh, for my laptop? Whatever, everyone has one. My dad just found the best deal.” People across the income spectrum, from <25k to 200k had laptops. Rather than self-expression, the laptop needed to be stylistically mobile. Many described not wanting flashy laptops (we showed them this intel laptop) because they wanted something that could move between home and work and escape notice while they were multi-tasking. (Many described the colorful laptop, linked above, we showed as juvenile or childish.)

Summary:

This is a short, densely-written tome where Lave and Wenger:

• describe legitimate peripheral participation (peripherality implies relatedness to the community, but also not quite full participation)
• admit that their definition is not formal, but instead fuzzy and relational (we discern much of what LPP is from what it is isn’t as much as what it is)
• show how LPP has played out in specific historical moments and cultural settings to show how it has accomplished the perpetuation of learned community in some moments (yucatec midwives, a.a. meetings, master tailors, quartermen) and failed to perpetuate it in others (meat packers)
• Argues that learning is wrapped up in building one’s identity as a “master” or full participant of a community
• Argues that learning isn’t necessarily about the communication of information, but about becoming a certain kind of community member (yucatec midwives pick up how to do prenatal massage, A.A. in some ways isn’t about information but about self-discipline and community supporting).
• Note that these communities are constantly reproducing through generations (so I take it that there is potential for change and slippage; there is also a processual account of community history hinted at)
• Note that there is a fundamental contradiction between continuity of community (by bringing in new comers) and displacement (by having those full participants eventually replaced by newcomers)

In a way, I think the way SL references the relevance of activity theory but doesn’t talk about itself as an extension of it is smart. It means that if someone takes big issues with activity theory, they won’t dismiss SL but may instead consider its relevance in relation to other theoretical domains. After all, SL doesn’t seem to use AT as founding assumptions, but instead shows its relevance to reconfiguring understandings of activity theory. This seems like a useful argumentative strategy more generally.
Questions:

• There’s this latent reference (in some cases explicit through refs to Vygotsky) to Activity Theory. Lave and Wenger talk about Engestrom’s work and frequently reference activity systems. Yet I don’t see a lot of attention to this in people’s discussions of the book online. What’s SL’s relationship with Activity Theory?
• How is LPP learning related to the idea of habitus — becoming a learned body of a certain sort, with a certain comportment — rather than attaining knowledge?
• How does the focus on identity as central to practice of learning make CoP less useful for more solitary instances of learning through trying and tinkering, say, how to make a web page or a workaround for getting dressed in second life? Or would they argue that even these instances of learning always take places in sociality, even if it is the artifacts (tools, documents, etc) left behind or made available by others to aid in this process?
• Lave and Wenger build off of Marxist ideas like contradiction and ascending from the abstract to the concrete. (Is this a seeing-the-superstructure-from-the-base thing?) They also point to the contradiction of continuity and displacement. However, it is unclear what the contradiction of continuity and displacement actually generates — are there warfare, friction, or creative efforts to ease the tension? Also, their marxist intuitions are supplemented by a processual account of community reproduction through generations. So how to Lave and Wenger use Marx? Is Marx really necessary for their argument?

At CHI, somebody asked Gary Marsden, winner of CHI’s 2007 Social Impact Award for his work on interaction design for Africa, about his thoughts on the One Laptop Per Child project. He was diplomatic, and even encouraging, but still circumspect.

“It is solving a problem that I’m not coming across in my research because the people we study are using cell phones. I haven’t seen the need in the populations we study.

The problem is that teachers don’t know how to teach with computers and the software needs to be good enough to replace teachers, because there aren’t enough of them.

Big access criteria is local content…

Lessons learned from your study that would have pay off for hundred dollar laptop:
Usability is irrelevant. People buy cell phones and that is all they have. No house, no car, that’s it. They will spend a long time figuring out how to use the phone. If you can provide a solution that makes someone’s life better, you don’t need usability. It is about understanding the community and the culture. Usability comes *after* that.”

Peter Pirolli Keynote: Beyond Information Foraging to Ecologies of Sense Making by Peter Pirolli, Palo Alto Research Center

Information patch foraging: How do you model when someone says “I’ve looked for useful info here enough. I should move on.”

He argue that if you increase the probability (say from 0.15 to 0.015) of choosing the wrong page as you browse a graph, the number of pages you visit goes up, diverging drastically as depth increases.
But what is the typical depth of navigation? The number of pages goes crazy at depth 12, but do people really go that deep? My guess is that people usually go for a depth of 1-4.

He then shows a model predictions and actual observed browsing on Yahoo on ParcNet and (eyeballing) it looks like 90% of sessions had a browse depth of 10 or less, 75% depth of 6 or less.

Stu Card and Pirolli had a ToCHI paper looking at eye movements and what they can tell us about information scent. They found that for crappy info scent in a hyperbolic browser, eye went all over the place, but for good info scent, eye took fairly direct path along graph.

Then they tried to model the eye movements and had some luck when they treat the eye as a rational, economic decision-maker. They came up with a scary looking equations expressing the probability of visiting any node in terms for euclidean distance, number of items in the visual group, scent (category), and inhibition of return.

Still early and their model predicts time in tasks and clicks decently well for high scent tasks but still work to do with low scent tasks. Hypothesis: People have trouble finding home again when they get lost.

Microeconomic model of highly interactive visual interface.

Model can do browsing and information seeking tasks for ~7000 nodes in human-like time.

And he has a book coming out

Other comments he makes: There are real evolutionary reasons why we enjoy and are attracted to certain kinds of scenes. We’re not exploiting any of this in the interfaces we make — no regard for aesthetic.

Adaptive info interaction for intelligence project

External Data <--> Shoebox <--> Evidence File <--> Schemas <--> Hypotheses <--> Presentation

Ext. Data –> Shoebox by searching and filtering

Shoebox –> Evidence file by readinga nd extracting
Evidence file –> Schemas by schmeatizing

Schemas –> hypothesis by building a case

Hypothesis –> presentation by building a representation

At each step, you can go backwards by searching for more data

Socially Mediated Foraging and Sensemaking is becoming increasingly important from high profile sensemaking failures such as 9/11, Columbia shuttle. But remember that we know a lot about the potential and failures of group decision making, so stop gushing about collaboration.

Mathematics comes from Hogg, Huberman & Clearwater, optimal foraging theory that deals with collaboration in groups

Factors that make social media system work are:

• quasi-independent search and knowledge contribution
• diversity
• decentralization in that people are looking at different things
• Interference effects (transaction costs)
• methods for sharing and aggregating information

• During the reflective 20 years of CSCW panel, Lucy Suchman said that she typically doesn’t believe in innovation coming from just a single person. I put two fists in the air. A few days ago, someone was citing how Doug Englebart was discontinuously innovative and I argued that he was also part of a culture that was in motion, and part of a flow of concepts of personalization, cybernetics, frontier living, and disembodiment. My friend argued that it may be so, but Englebart should be credited with envisioning and championing ideas that many thought were crazy but have since given today’s technologies their shape. I wonder what Lucy would say.
• Paul’s talk on Replacing Space got me really excited. He emphasized that space is not a constant, material truth with socially-constructed place layered on top. Instead, space and place are mutually constitutive. Space affords some range of places as we imbue those spaces with social meaning (or can space take on any meaning?), but we also reshape spaces based on these socially-constructed meaning systems, and the cycle of affordance and reshaping continues. Instead of Marx-inspired base-superstructure, we have messy Foucauldian entanglement. (There is probably a better word than entanglement, but I don’t remember.)

  First, he emphasized that rather than creating a new concept for his elucidation of space, he keeps the same term as it is also used the same way in other fields. If we are to benefit from a body of theory and concepts being built in CSCW-related disciplines, we need to keep pace with their conceptual sophistication where it is useful to us. Second, I love the emphasis on power geometries of space — who has mobility and who doesn’t? How is mobility as labor different from mobility as leisure? I’m very concerned with political and social justice and Paul is communicating useful concepts to frame those dialogs. I’d been drowning in the messiness of my framelessness in my power questions.

• The Bookmarks paper I saw inspired me to write a parser for del.icio.us feeds and build a data structure that encodes a date based histogram of bookmark frequency. I figured out a statistic that I think gives me a sense of burstiness in bookmarking. I need to look at how Bernardo & Huberman get their bookmark user samples, get my own, get myself analyzing. All hail RSS.
• Met Gloria Mark at the BBQ, finally. She recommended I check out her work on multitasking. She also mentioned some new work on networked, bottom up organizations and how information workers tactically manage that. It would be interesting if there is increased informality and that informality somehow has learnings for everyday sensemaking stuff that I’m interested in.
• Really rad conversations with Professor Jan. She gave me some recommended reads, gave me some feedback on a paper I’m halfway through, and we just got to hang out a lot more than we have in a while. I repaid her with some design ideas for the interruption management work she presented at CSCW.
• I love the people I’ve met at this conference. So many ideas! So much engagement! Pretty great papers too. Probably the best of any hci-ish conference I’ve been to.

People wardriving or walking around with laptop trying to find good wifi signal. They’re trying to perceive space using alternative sensory mechanisms. Today, we have radically diff tech landscape and a broader set of spaces of interest to cscw.

How have place/space been taken up?

How might recent developments reinvigorate those interests?
Layer cake model

space is the geometric, mathematical account of the world — the materiality of the world as it “just is” and space as the socially constructed reality we weave collectively

is there a tendency to also perceive social life as layered on top of protocols, hardware, platforms? But the “abstractions mired in TCPIP are mired in social practice.” That materiality is shaped by social concerns.

Likewise, the materiality of space is shaped by social concerns.

Paul proposes that “place” is concerned with uniqueness, difference, separation, identity. “Space” concerned with connection, movement, uniformity — the thing that is held more stable through transitions. And both are about social action.

Math is not “natural” — it represents choices made about how to represent the world, and those choices often are made in service of some goal that people have. Edward Hutchins: “Not until the mercator projection  did the straight line have a computational purpose.”

Spatial practice

space is itself enacted

strategic practice = focused on centers of power, like material design of buildings which force people into certain relationships. (force is a little strong, no?) structuring spaces certain kind of way

tactical practices = people going around everyday life, interacting with power forms, but also possible sites of resistance, reappropriation

design is a strategic practice, use is a tactical practice

power geometries 

massey: looking at flows of ppl goods, info and capital, have to look at power arrangements

who moves, doesn’t; who decides on flows; who is liberated or imprisoned

who is mobile, how, and why? mobile computing urban space and consumption, a 20 something year old with a predatory attitude towards city has diff mobility than taxi driver for whom mobilikty is a form of labor

technologies of spatiality 

logics of spatial practice

dangers of “virtual” - the emergence of social and cultural practice around creation of new virtual spaces? dourish suggests instead reconfiguration of existing space

collective legibility of space

“ubiq.” and “seamless” infrastructures? hiding in gps blackspots, exploiting network seams in Treasure.

reading people, objects, and events in space and encountering space as peopled

lilly - what if you could encounter a prison or an interrogation room as peopled? potential for collective action despite spatio-temporal isolation

collaboration w jennifer cole and simon terry - investigating sex offenders in san diego. they’re happy to have a record of where they are as a relief from having police hassle them.

why rewrite space rather than creating new concept? dourish wants to connect space and place in cscw with debates in other disciplines. current accounts of tech in human geography are pretty weak.

Today at CSCW, I attended a panel discussing the typical expectations for ethnography — specifically, implications for design — at CSCW and CHI. The debate was really interesting and covered several points. First, what is the purpose of ethnography for design? In comments, I argued that it serves a two fold purpose — evoking empathy and defamiliarization, and providing analysis to make memorable and comphrehensible complex phenomena in the design context. Paul pointed out that perhaps forcing an implication for design narrows the ethnography down to such a narrow point that it no longer inspires creative imagination. But more than creative inspiration is lost. All the richness lost in cramming ethnography into ACM format is also lost as part of the ethnographic corpus Paul described as being a core concept in anthopological practice.

Today, Bob Sutton’s blog post on workplace dignity highlighted another form dependent on detailed ethnography I fear our CSCW papers will never afford — the meta-analysis of ethnography.

If you want to read the most comprehensive academic treatment of dignity that I know of, check out Randy Hodson’s 2001 book Dignity at Work. He reviewed over 300 in-depth ethnographies – these are academic ethnographies, usually entailing a year or more of intense observation –and ultimately selected 108 cases from 86 published ethnographies for intense quantitative and qualitative analysis. His compact definition is fantastic, “Dignity is the ability to establish a sense of self-worth and self-respect and to appreciate the respect of others.”